Richard K. Williams, M.D.
The colonists were geographically barred from India and the Pacific. South America and Africa were largely excluded (other than the slave trade), and there were a great many prohibitions and restrictions upon what could be shipped and to whom. It was illegal to export tobacco (the most important single product) and many other staples to other than England. Similarly, they could bring only limited products back, especially from other than England, and duties paid on the few exceptions were often prohibitive. Indeed the laws were constructed to strengthen the English Navy and economy with little thought to any rights of the colonists. “All the emoluments” were for the residents of England, resulting in a state of chronic bankruptcy for most colonists. The colonists, at least the ship owners, did better that some of their fathers, and better than the planters, but only a little and only through long and arduous toil.
Gradually, the colonists made their gains, though few and modest, through the ability to move their cargoes rapidly, and the need for speedy ships grew. The American colonists became noted, in Europe, for their urge for speed. There is little doubt that the Americans began to build sleeker ships fairly early. The French were reputed to have been instrumental in this, but the American efforts pre-dated the arrival of the French fleet in 1778.
As the concept of democracy began to take form in the new nation, the tenet that every man is capable of rising to higher levels and has a right to do so became more universally approved than ever before in history during the first 50 years of the 19th century. Life at sea was one of harsh and unexpected emergencies, and those who rose from seaman to master to ship owner were exceptional survivors in a tough time.
Out of this ambition and hope for self-improvement grew a breed of American sea captain who fearlessly drove his ship and its canvas harder and more consistently than those of the Europeans. Faster ships and “driver” captains became typical of American ships. The rigors of life at sea in the climate of ever increasing need for speed laid groundwork for the men who would sail the clippers; these men sailed with a vigor never seen before then or since, men who were known to work themselves to death and who were unaware of fear or moderation.
After the war of 1812, the confidence of the American shipbuilders and sailors was bolstered by the “victory” over England, one which was based, at least in part, on fast sailing. Americans believed they could out sail almost anyone.
The packets were an attempt to depart from the traditionally show merchantmen, which left port on no particular schedule, but only when finally laden and passengered; Packets left on a schedule. They originated in the “Black Ball Line,” as four ships, originally formed in 1816, but not having “regular sailings” until January of 1818.
There was rapid expansion of American commerce during the last ten years of the 18th century. Annual exports jumped from 17 millions in 1791 to 50 millions in 1795. This had a great effect on the mind of the fortune-minded, which, because of the new country, was now able to strive for status unheard of a few years earlier. New York and New England rapidly became the leaders in tonnage of exports. By 1821 the shipyards in the United States were booming, with an increase in the number and size of ships built. Some were measuring 500 tons. New York was the single largest and busiest shipyard.
The remarkable performance of the packet ships played a major part in stimulating American commerce. In 1830 there was a boom in shipbuilding, which later succumbed to a depression preceding the panic of 1837. Although this slowed or eliminated profits in many instances, the determination to make rapid passages continued.
By 1847 the United States was in a full-fledged boom with larger a more numerous ships being built and launched. The discovery of gold in California brought on a huge increase in demand, both for cargo shipment and passenger transportation, from the American east coast to California, around Cape Horn.
Many fortunate miners, anxious to spend their money in the newly sprawling San Francisco, found an equally eager army of predators. What was considered a fortune on the east coast was “pocket change” in the booming San Francisco development. Many fortunes were rapidly made and lost. Notorious, as an example, was the real estate speculator James Lick, who began by buying lots of land, at first for $16, then by March of 1849, $22. By September of that year the cost had soared to $3,000, when he began selling. He rapidly became the richest man in the city. In New York, money was being made by a tight-knit group of hardheaded businessmen, who took part in an intense struggle to dominate the new lucrative California trade. The signs of new wealth were everywhere in the New York waterfront area, as well as that of San Francisco. Although the steamers were present and were in increasing numbers, the “gold rush” created a new and compelling need for rapid transit to California, favoring the building of ever more sailing ships, ones which were faster and which could carry larger cargo. It was with this economic background that the clippers made their appearance.
Progressively graceful and huge clippers were being built in the New York shipyards at a fever pace: 13 clippers in 1850, 54 in 1851.
During the rapid growth of the European trade, there was a similarly remarkable growth in the trade to China, via the Cape of Good Hope and the Indian Ocean. It was common practice in those days to use superannuated packets, previously in the European trade, for the Canton route. Both areas demanded speed and large carrying capacity
During the years following the war of 1812 the China trade grew and speedy runs became stressed. In 1819 the ship Ida made a run from Canton to Boston of 101 days, led by Captain Dorr. There were many attempts to beat this record, one which held for several years, but in 1831 the Milo, under the command of Captain Sever, made a 60 day from Rio de Janeiro to Canton.
The “90 day passages” became thereafter progressively frequent, and the long distance race was now in earnest. It was at this time that “speed to China” became a slogan. During the early to mid 1830s the China trade nearly doubled and runs of 100 days or so seldom caused comment.
Speed to Calcutta and Manila was less of a priority then, where the cargoes were bulky and somewhat less valuable than those of China. Even these runs began to be influenced by speed in the years from 1816 to 1822. In 1829 the packet Emerald arrived in Boston, under the command of master mariner Augustine Heard, 91 days out of the Cape of Good Hope.
By the end of the 1830’s immigration was increasing tremendously and oriental trade of all sorts was expanding, the most valuable “prizes” going always to the swift.
It was true that the emphasis on speed was characteristic of American ships back into the colonial times. The development of faster ships certainly was in part the Americans themselves, although the Dutch and French ships had contributed to this trend as well. In 1778 the American privateer Success, commanded by Captain Phillip Thrash, made a 200-mile run with a speed of 10 knots. Months earlier, the schooner Scorpion maintained a speed of 10 knots for a period of 6 hours while cruising (not in chase). The Pickering, with 180 tons and 14 guns (commanded by Jonathan Haraden) engaged and put to flight the Achilles of London, a vessel of three times her tonnage and number of guns, based primarily upon her speed and maneuverability. It was known for centuries that a ship built longer and sharper was faster. Cleopatra’s barges were an example. America established a position of world leadership by applying these principles at an early date.
During the early republic there was a huge increase in privateers, with ship seizures commonplace. During that time the British Navy (with over 1000 ships currently commissioned) and other superior navies, were known to apprehend American ships and “impress” into navel service some of the American seamen. This emphasized the need for speed, and gave further rise to the development of faster American ships. In the years between 1818 and 1821 the “Black Ballers, as they were called, averaged 23 days eastward to Europe and 40 days westward (because of prevalent westerly winds). Usual reported passages for those times exceeded 35 or 40, and 60 to 90 days westward caused no notice. The ship New York, measuring 614 tons, made the passage from New York to Liverpool in 15 days 16 hours, a record which stood for several years. Enoch Train’s Line of packets appeared about 1844 with a response consisting of mixed emotions. Train’s persistence and business ability established a first rate line between New England and Europe.
In 1808 the slave trade was outlawed, and this gave rise to another need for speed. “Slavers,” as they were called needed to be fast because they continued to operate as late as 1859, originating from most major American ports.
Not long after the Revolutionary War came the development of the “waterline” model (or “lift” model), which allowed correction of some of the inaccuracies inherent to earlier, solid models. These models allowed easier improving of lines of vessels, and paved the way for the development in new naval designs. It has been said that these models allowed the clippers to achieve their degree of perfection, not possible otherwise. Not only were hulls lengthened but spars became lengthened and increased canvas carried. The predecessors of the packets, the “regular traders,’ were modeled and rigged for speed. One of these was the Alert, who, commanded by Captain Nichols, had an 1811 passage of 20 days from Liverpool to Boston. In those days, runs slightly in excess of 200 days to Canton were becoming more common. In 1812 one ship, the Lady Madison, recorded a trans-Atlantic crossing of 18 days, a record not broken for several years.
The term: “clipper ship” first made its appearance during the war of 1812, although for many years it did not apply to any specific design. It was used to describe any of several particularly fast ships. The Baltimore Clipper.
While the northern ports expanded their packet trade, with their larger hulls, Baltimore specialized in small, fast sailing craft resembling the “pilot boat built” craft of the late 18th century. The run was made fuller, the flatness under the counter relieved, and the forward lines sharpened. The most noted of these was the Ann McKim, which was sometimes called the “first clipper ship.” There were many conflicting reports about her. She was ship rigged, and considered by some to be an experiment. She was 143 feet in length. The main difference in her construction from previous similar vessels was that she was larger. Although she was fast, she was not able to carry enough cargo to be comparable to the larger and slower packets. She was able to accumulate many fine runs to and from South America and more than one around the horn, during the 1830’s.
The packets were so called because they frequently were used to carry the monthly or periodical packets of mail, papers as well as letters being included. Large hulls, more sharply built than earlier ships but still with considerable dead rise, characterized them. They became progressively heavy sparred, and carried huge spreads of canvas. An example of the best of them is the Roscius, 1839, upon which was lavished the cost of construction of $100,000 as opposed to the usual $60,000 and she was provided with the finest woods internally. The main yard was 75 feet in length as opposed to the Flying Cloud’s of 82 feet, a clipper over 700 tons heavier. Her main mast was 160 feet high. There were many lofty sailing ships which rounded the horn before the clippers, although the packets were “blunt and chunky” by modern standards. The Roscius bettered some of the records of her earlier liners.
The Probius (1841) was 656 tons and was considered the “fastest and finest” of the China trade of her day. The Helena (1841) was 598 tons, and was built by William Webb. Although she was sharper and very heavily rigged, she was a clipper only in rig but not in hull design. Although some referred to both the Probius and the Helena as “clippers”, they were so only in rig but not in mold. During the “boom” days of 1847-1849, the packets became progressively larger, many over 1300 tons.
By the late 1840’s the packets had shown a design transition suggesting the imminent appearance of the clippers.
The world has never seen more remarkable voyages under sail than took place in 1850.
The clipper ship was described (at its fullest development) as:
“Clean, long, smooth as a smelt. Sharp arching head. Thin, hollow bow; convex sides; light, round and graceful stern. A genuine East Indiaman or Californian. Aloft, large built, iron-banded lower masts; taunt tapering smaller masts, long-proportioned spars from lower to skysail yards. Above board, she towers up with strong, fibrous arms spreading a cloud of canvas to the gale.”
There were two main essentials: 1. The “sharp built” designed hull built for speed rather than cargo space. 2. Extremely heavily sparred, in order to spread a far larger area of canvas than ships of equal size were accustomed to spread. A third essential, without which the first two would be of little use—the captain needed to be a “driver,” a “thorough dare-devil with a mania for speed.” They were expected to leave nothing undone to strengthen the rig and extend the spread of canvas to the point that spars break and knees crack. There were, especially in the late 50’s, rough classifications of “extreme,” medium and half-clippers. Unclipperlike features included a rounded bow; a long and frequently hollow run; very great dead rise; the greatest beam well-forward of amidships and by far the greatest depth of hull at the stern. All of these features were reversed in the final form of the clipper ship. These older hull types were said to be incapable of speeds (under any conditions) over 14 knots.
Those generations not having done so can never understand the rigors entailed in rounding the horn:
“Through the mists of the years and the yellowed salt stained pages of old logbooks, one catches fleeting glimpses of beautiful, gallant ships urges by relentless masters of the quarter deck, fighting through indescribable conditions for another mile of westing. There are brief sketches of icy infernos, in which are mingle confused impressions of steep decks, cascading water, milky white; of ponderous yardarms slashing through heaving crests; of lofty spars whipping and buckling under an insane spread of rigid canvas that fairly hurled the groaning hull at the seas; of stout shrouds threshing slackly to leeward, while weather stays drum like bars of steel.
“Manikin figures of long ago dart alertly about decks between seas waist deep; strain at yanking wheels; pull in yelping chorus at a myriad of ropes; crawl numbly aloft to be whipped, it may be, like ripe fruit from flailing spars. Stifle that last involuntary wail! One cannot even hear the roar of the hurricane, so deep there is no such thing as sound; nothing but a never ceasing pressure on one’s soul.
“Always the agony of endless nights—the ceaseless freezing torture, when it seemed the day would never break again. Crippled, half-delirious men, racked with suffering, reeling aft for another trick at the wheel. Stark, frozen corpses in the bunks. But never a faltering—never a thought but to drive the clipper round the Cape, though fifty ships should turn and run for their lives…no true sailor did not glory in the part he played in the man-killing drives.”
Shortly after the formation of the new union, vessels began to follow routes around Cape Horn to the Northwest coast for furs, and then to China for tea, silks and other imports. The early overland explorations followed, of necessity these early voyages. The Columbia left Boston in 1787, completed such a voyage, and was the first to fly American colors around the world.
With the economic boom of the 1840’s, the “horn” became progressively important. There was, by 1849, an hysterical rush to get men and material to the west coast with all possible speed. In March of 1849 there were dozens of crippled ships in Rio, stranding, with a uncertain future, 1000 to 1200 Americans.
Sea Witch: If any vessel could, the Sea Witch could claim the title of the first true clipper ship. Her bow was narrower than her forerunner (the Rainbow) with a wide flare at deck level to keep her from shipping too much water. Her stern was clean and narrow, providing an unobstructed wake, and her major breadth was somewhat aft than previous vessels, but her major innovation was the combination of the V-shaped and U-shaped hulls. She had a sharp keel and a rounded hull above, resembling, in cross section, a wine glass. These features became those of most of the subsequent clippers. She had a gleaming black hull, and a gold stripe above the waterline, which drew the eye to the black dragon figurehead.
The hull was designed by John Griffiths and Nathanial Palmer, but her soaring masts and acres of canvas came from Captain Robert Waterman, who was her driving commanding officer for three years, leaving with her on the maiden voyage one day after his wedding, his bride remaining at home. There were multiple jibs, staysails and studding sails carried routinely. She did, in fact carry more canvas than some of the current warships three times her size. Under Waterman’s command New Yorkers’ clipper fever grew to a white heat. She was responsible for the first two of the fastest times back from China, and introduced the “most remarkable ten years in the history of the world.”
Some old salts predicted that the sharp-bowed ship would dive to the bottom, but her speed record converted doubters quickly enough. She was measured at 16 knots, which, although surpassed by later clippers, was astonishing in it’s day. Perhaps even more astonishing was her 12-½ knot average over several days.
Flying Cloud: Of the many famous American clipper ships launched between 1850 and 1860, the Flying Cloud has the best record. Like all of the softwood clippers, she was subject to early leakage, thereby limiting her best years.
She registered 1,783 tons, with length over all of 235 feet. She had an extreme beam of 40 feet 8 inches, depth of hold, 21 feet 6 inches, and height between decks of 7 feet 8 inches. She had a full poop deck on the level of the main rail, 5 feet above the main deck. The poop deck was 68 feet long, below which were ample cabin accommodations, described as most elegant and tastefully wainscoted with satinwood, mahogany and rosewood.
Besides a topgallant forecastle, of 30 feet length and a mid-ship house, 41 feet long and 18 feet wide. She had a “greatly admired” figurehead, which was a carved angel blowing a trumpet.
Capt. Joe Cressy initially commanded the ship. He led her on her record-breaking maiden passage from New York to San Francisco, beginning June 3rd 1851. The voyage was hampered by disciplinary problems, sabotage and demotion of the first officer for insubordination. Captain Cressy took his wife along on his voyages. She was greatly skilled in navigation, assisting some of the fine sailing records. On one notable voyage a man fell overboard in the seas near Madagascar, an accident fortuitously seen by Cressy’s wife from her cabin window. Boats were lowered after the ship hove to, and after an extensive search, the man was rescued and nursed back to health by Mrs. Cressy.
She suffered considerable damage, notably the main topsail yard and main and mizzen topgallant masts, as well as a badly sprained main mast, about a foot below the hounds.
She arrived at San Francisco on August 31, after a passage of 89 days, 21 hours. This record was not a fluke, as she covered 374 miles on her first day toward China and required only 12 days from San Francisco to Honolulu.
This record was beaten in 1854, when she sailed from New York to San Francisco in 89 days 8 hours—the record for this passage. A full-rigged sailing ship to date has never bested her New York to San Francisco records.
There were many other distinguished voyages, showing her to be capable of great speed, but she had the weakness of not making good time in light winds, which gave her competitors some temporary advantage. In moderate to strong winds, however, she could not be beaten.
She sailed The Gravesend to Brisbane in 106 days in 1867 and from Sydney to Gravesend in 1868 in 112 days. In 1856 she was partially dismasted, and had her spars cut down while under repair in Rio de Janeiro. Her spars were cut down again in 1858 while laid up in New York. In June of 1874 she ran ashore on the Beacon Island’s bar, St. Johns and was condemned and sold. She was burned for her copper and metal fastenings in 1875.
Challenge: The New York shippers and ship owners, Nathaniel and George Griswold commissioned the largest and sharpest new clipper of them all: the Challenge, and offered the command to the now famous Robert Waterman, bragging that the Challenge would be “the pride of the U.S. merchant marine. They had no doubt that, under Waterman’s command, the Challenge would set a new record for the California run, and Waterman was influenced not only by the generous offer of $10,000 bonus, but the chance to add to his record the glory of champion of the Cape Horn sweepstakes. The ship was the pride of the shipyard of William Webb, where the huge hull was nearing completion, awaiting Waterman, who would supervise exactly how she would be rigged. The Challenge was designed by the young wizard at the drafting table, John Griffith, who convinced the owners of the value of his radical new hull design. He had collaborated with Waterman on the design of the Sea Witch.
The Challenge was described as a “great brute of a ship,” having a keel 224 feet long, and a deck of 240 feet. Her mainmast rose 230 feet, almost four times the height of the tallest buildings in New York. This mast was 3 feet in diameter at the base. Her foremast was 219 feet, and the mizzen, 190. Although there were lively disagreements, Waterman’s suggested rigging was adopted throughout. Her treenails were of tough locust; she was shielded with copper below the waterline to protect her from barnacles, weed and boring worms. The hatch framings and fife rails were of imported east India teak, and the combings of her companionways were of mahogany. Her great cabin and staterooms were wainscoted with oak and rosewood, and her passageways were decorated with carved oak pilasters and cornices.
With no expense spared and the fittings done up in strict accordance with Captain Waterman, it would appear that the well-publicized race to California would strongly favor the Challenge. History tells differently, and the troubles began shortly after Captain Waterman boarded her to the fanfare and cheers of the crowd. He discovered a crew scraped from the local jails and hospitals, many of which never left their bunks through the entire voyage. Those that were not ill were incompetent or lazy, and many had never known experience aboard a clipper, much less one such as the Challenge. Waterman found it necessary to fire the insolent first mate while still in the harbor, and immediately hired the brutal James Douglas, who boarded, looking for a job for his own protection, moments after the firing of the original mate. Although the ship arrived in San Francisco 108 days after sailing, a fine record, it was no match for the record made by the Flying Cloud, and it was marred by mild weather, light winds and allegations of brutality, having long term legal ramifications. Douglas, known for brutal beatings and floggings, was responsible for the death of one man, and beatings of many. There was a failed mutiny attempt, and shortly after arrival Waterman and Douglas had to flee a dangerous mob. The voyage was a disaster of the first order, one which saw the ship brought into port without so much as a damaged spar. Waterman ultimately spent his old age as a farmer, joined by his long-separated wife, Cordelia.
Thermopylae: A British tea clipper built in 1868 by Hood of Aberdeen. Ship-rigged on three masts, she had a gross tonnage of 991 tons, and was a lifelong rival of the Cutty Sark, the only ship seriously to contest the Thermopylae’s claim to be the fastest sailing clipper in the world. After the loss of the tea trade to steamships soon after the opening of the Suez Canal, the Thermopylae continued in the wool trade with Australia in her later years, and once made a record voyage by sailing from London to Melbourne in fifty-nine days. She ended her career as a training ship for Portuguese boys.
Cutty Sark: The only survivor of the British tea clippers is now preserved as a museum ship and example of the great days of sail at Greenwich, London. She was built to the order of Captain Jock Willis, son of the Captain Willis who was known as ‘Old Stormy’ and immortalized in the sea shanty ‘Storm along.
She was built expressly as a challenge to the great British clipper, Thermopylae, and the two ships were almost identical in size, with a length of 212 feet, a beam of 36 feet and a depth of 21 feet. The Cutty Sark was designed by Hercules Linton and built partly by the firm of Linton and Scott and partly by William Denny and Brothers, as the price quoted by Linton and Scott was too low and they were forced into liquidation during construction of the ship. She was launched at Dumbarton in Novermber 1869, and the following year took part in the annual tea race from China to London. But by then the Suez Canal had been opened, and the trade was being lost to steamships, which could use the shorter Canal route. The Cutty Sark made eight voyages in the tea trade but never matching the times put up by the earlier clippers, her best being in 1871 when she sailed from Shanghai to the North Foreland in 107 days. Only once did she race home in company with the Thermopylae, but on that occasion lost her rudder during heavy weather in the Indian Ocean when she had worked out a lead of 400 miles.
When the sailing clippers finally had to abandon the tea trade to the competition of the steamers, the Cutty Sark was forced to look for cargoes wherever they were to be had, but in 1883 she began regular voyages in the wool trade from Australia and made some remarkably fast passages, seventy-three days from Sydney to the Downs in 1885 and sixty-nine days from Newcastle, New South Wales, to the Lizard in 1887-8. From 1885 until the end of her wool-carrying days, Captain Richard Wooodgett, a fine seaman who knew how to drive a square-rigged ship, commanded her. Her last wool voyage from Australia was in 1894-5, and on arrival in London she was sold to the Portuguese. She operated under the Portuguese flag for twenty-seven years, for many of them re-rigged as a barquentine.
In 1922, after a refit in London, she was forced to put into Falmouth in a Channel gale while on her way back to Lisbon. There Captain Wilgred Downman, who bought her and restored and re-rigged her to her original clipper rig, saw her. On his death in 1936 his widow presented her to the Thames Nautical Training College and she was towed to Greenhithe for use as a boys training ship. In 1949, no longer required for this service, she was offered to the National Maritime Museum, which was unable to accept her, but, largely through the hard work and enthusiasm of Mr. Frank Carr, the London County Council sponsored a scheme for her permanent preservation in a specially constructed dock at Greenwich. She entered the dock in 1954, work on her hull and rigging was completed in 1957, and she was then opened to the public.
Her name comes from Robert Burn’s poem ‘Tam O’Shanter,’ which tells the story of a Scottish farmer who was chased by the young witch Nannie, who wore only:
Her cutty sark, o’Paisley barn’
That while a lassie she had worn
In longitude tho’ sorely scanty
It was her best, and she was vauntie.
The Cutty Sark’s figurehead is a representation of the witch Nannie in her cutty sark (short shift), with her left arm outstretched to catch the tail of the farmer’s gray mare on which he was trying to escape.
Between 1851 and 1853 there was a frantic increase in construction of clipper ships, and trade, not only between the east coast and California but to the Far East as well. During 1851 the White Squall, 200 feet in length, first appeared on the China coast after a passage from San Francisco of 39 days. Many fine passages were made westerly although during that year no new records were made from China to America.
In the early Fall of 1851 the reports began to come in that there was gold in Australia, and the now slow gold miners in California began to make passages to Sydney and Melbourne; astute merchants ordered more clippers. Forty fine clippers and four clipper barques were launched during the year, and all of the shipyards on the east coast were full of new keels.
In 1852, the “Golden Year” of the clippers, the rush was on, “merrily and madly as ever.” In 1853 ships were lying in port a little longer. Freights showed a sagging tendency, and a few of the slower ones began to transport guano, a despised cargo. Some began to suspect that the clipper ships had been overdone. But 1852 was the “Golden Year,” and the like of it was never repeated. Each clipper was, in its way, the best of its particular style, and no two were alike. The California races, famous in 1852, were many and spectacular. One famous example was the race between the Flying Fish, a sister ship to the Flying Cloud also a McKay clipper and the Swordfish by Webb. In this case the Swordfish was victorious, with the passage of the year and the fourth best of all time: 90 days, 18 hours. The Flying Fish made 100 days, 6 hours, and both were considered among the finest clippers of their day. In all, eleven clippers entered San Francisco harbor inside of four months, in passages of less than 110 days or less around the horn. McKay’s Sovereign of the Seas made a run of 103 days in the height of the unfavorable season, largely due to the determination of Captain Lauchlan McKay.
Mention should be made of Matthew Fontaine Maury, who influenced the clipper ship era in ways new to navigation. He devoted his energies to the study of navigation and is best known for his work in oceanography, which brought him a worldwide reputation. In 1847 he issued sailing instructions in his Abstract Log for the Use of American Navigators, with new editions in 1850 and 1851. His charts and sailing instructions made possible considerable savings in travel times and gained the enthusiasm of mariners from many nations. Eleanor Cressy, navigator of the Flying Cloud, notably, assiduously used his work on the famous maiden voyage of the Flying Cloud, in spite of early pessimism by her husband, Captain Cressy.
As mentioned earlier, 1853 saw the number of clippers and the available cargoes beginning to reverse, with clippers looking for new avenues to keep their hulls full. Beside the tea trade, some began transporting guano, cotton and lumber.
Steam was coming along. Although steam had been slower and less certain than the fast clippers, they gradually became more reliable. There was also a growing dissatisfaction with sailing ships in the passenger trade. For years the conditions for passenger aboard the transatlantic packets had been deplorable, with each passenger allowed a space of two by seven feet, scarcely larger than the room used for burial. Conditions, on vessels with decks of 200 feet length, were crowded and miserable, especially in bad weather, when one considers populations on board of 700 to 1000. Some ships had near 10% mortality among passengers.
By the beginning of 1854 half of the clipper ship tonnage afloat had been built in 1853, and putting that tonnage to efficient use became problematic. The ships were becoming progressively more expensive, wages of shipbuilders had increased, and profits dropped. In 1854 fewer clippers were built, 69 as opposed to 125 the preceding year. Stagnation of ocean shipping became pronounced in the summer of that year; by September New York had 777 vessels waiting at the wharves, and Boston had similar conditions. Still, ships continued to be built, and the clipper captains continued to be consumed by record passages, many of which occurred.
The number of tons shipped reached its zenith in 1855 and, superficially, maritime supremacy seemed to be stable. The depression had already begun, however, and shipbuilding had slowed markedly. Ships were selling for 25% less than in 1854, and the amount of tonnage slowly decreased.
Progressively more young men were finding opportunities in railroading and engineering, and there was already a shortage of seasoned seamen by 1853. The British were also competing for the China tea trade.
By 1859 most of the more extreme clippers had been dismasted, some several times. Few of the wood ships could tolerate the twisting and wracking leverage of the immense spaars for more than a few years. Many of them were leaky. In 1859 only six clippers made the run to California in less than 110 days, as opposed to 19 in 1852.
The depression of 1859 reduced many American seaports to ghost yards; the Panama Railroad, which cut the fastest clippers time of three months to three weeks, eclipsed the route around Cape Horn. Then came the Civil War, with shipping blockades.
In 1865 British shipping exceeded American tonnage once again, and the United States began a slow fifty year decline. The screw propeller, invented in the 1830’s, became economically viable in the 1860’s with the introduction of twin screws. Sailing ships outnumbered steamships until the turn of the century, but their emphasis was carrying capacity with the faster runs now relegated to steam. In 1869 the transcontinental railroad was established and the country became preoccupied with the land to the west. The era of maritime preoccupation had come to an end.
Cutter, Carl C., Greyhounds of the Sea, Annapolis, Maryland, Naval Institute Press, 1960.
Kemp, Peter, Editor, The Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea, New York, Oxford University Press, 1988.
Mac Gregor, David R., British & American Clippers, London, Conway Press, 1993.
Mac Gregor, David R., Merchant Sailing Ships, 1850-1875, London, Conway Press, 1984.
Shaw, David W., Flying Cloud, New York, William Morrow, 2000.
Whipple, A.B.C., The Challenge, New York, William Morrow, 1987.